World News: French President Emmanuel Macron Goes It Alone on Pension Reform

French President Emmanuel Macron's use of Article 49.3 to adopt the pension reform highlights the constitutional limits of a Republic that is now ill-adapted to citizens' expectations. From a political crisis, France has moved to a regime crisis.

Whether it is considered unfair and iniquitous, the judgment that can be made on the pension reform is now a thing of the past. However, the tension created by its content has now been replaced by the way in which it has been adopted with a view to its inclusion in the Official Journal in the coming days.


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Thus, by resorting to Article 49.3 of the Constitution, which allows the Government to dispense with the vote of the National Representation, the latter has evaded not only one of   the foundations essential of democracy, namely the vote of the deputies, but also tarnished a more the image of the Fifth Republic which proves, here more than ever, its inadequacy with the social structure of the France of the twenty-first century.

Realities and Discrepancies

Here again, recourse   to history is useful and enlightening. Conceived in  1958 in order to stabilize the political life of a country torn apart by an endless succession of ministerial cabinets, the Fifth Republic relied on a French     society concerned with balance and   tranquility, disgusted with   sterile political debates, and while the great hours of the  Glorious Thirty were taking shape.


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But sixty-five years later, as France, like many other countries, entered the post-industrial and   post-modern era, it turns out that the 1958 constitution no longer meets expectations of citizens. Why: Because voters,  whoever they may be, are  now concerned that their  voices are heard and taken into account in their immense diversity.

Admittedly, the passage by force  effected by the Government may reflect many realities : political  isolation, structural weaknesses of the law, fragility of   the majority and its allies, tensions within   the majority... But before being any   witness to  well-founded or fantasized realities, it is above all an outdated tool in a democracy that claims to be modern and model.

The Constitution of the Fifth Republic, wanted in the image of General de Gaulle, tutelary figure of  a nation humiliated in  1940  in  search of recognition and rebirth at the beginning of the years sixty, no longer corresponds to the   social and political pattern of today's France. And Article 49.3, a veritable anti-democratic tool, designed to exonerate itself from the hesitations and procrastination of the national representation considered passionate and   Versatile, embodies in  itself the gap that exists between Government and the will of the citizens.  


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At a time when speech and  ideas   circulate unbridled and  without barriers on  social networks, where debate, relevant or not, is invited on the  Web to reflect in the public sphere,  and  a t a  time when the political landscape is becoming increasingly fragmented , it seems almost naturel to rethink our democracy.

Because from a  political crisis, the  pension reform adopted by forceps, we have moved to a crisis of regime, heavy and perilous, capable of  questioning the future of our institutions. And now a   simple  question arises: should the Fifth Republic give way to the Sixth which would then evacuate Article 49 or should it still get bogged down in the risk   of New regime crises?

Here again, recourse to history is useful and enlightening. Conceived in 1958 in order to stabilize the political life of a country torn apart by an endless succession of ministerial cabinets, the Fifth Republic relied on a French society concerned with balance   and of tranquility, disgusted with sterile political debates, and while the great hours of the Glorious Thirty were taking shape.


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But sixty-five years later, when France, like many other countries, entered the post-industrial and post-modern era, it turns out that the 1958 constitution no longer responds to the Citizens' expectations. Why: Because voters, whoever they are, are now concerned that their voices are heard and taken into account in their immense diversity.

 

Bio: Olivier Longhi has extensive experience in European history. A seasoned journalist with fifteen years of experience, he is currently professor of history and geography in the Toulouse region of France. He has held a variety of publishing positions, including Head of Agency and Chief of Publishing. A journalist, recognized blogger, editor, and editorial project manager, he has trained and managed editorial teams, worked as a journalist for various local radio stations, a press and publishing consultant, and a communications consultant.

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