Under opposition since its renewal, the National Assembly is exposed to the growing risk of seeing its work slowed by numerous and violent clashes, even if it means tiring citizens in search of clear direction regarding the situation.

As the parliamentary recess approaches, it is not inappropriate to make a first assessment of the debates that have agitated the National Assembly since its renewal last June. And a reality is obvious: the exchanges and comments that precede each vote are often the stormiest and tense.

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The explanation for this agitation, which contrasts singularly with the usual apathy of the place, lies in the composition of the said assembly. Without an absolute majority and democratic game obliges, the Government scraps in the face of opposition raised and sharked by their electoral results, by the apparent weakness of the executive forced to compose, or even to cohabit with the said opposition groups, and by the influence of certain allies or recognized as such led to assert their position when it is not their dissent.

Some would then say that this feverish and passionate activity will have only one time and that it will defeat each parliamentary group gradually pushed into the ranks of the general interest. Surely. But what if the opposite were to happen?

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Weariness and Dissolution

If, in contrast, to a scenario dominated by wisdom, hoped for in the long term as such, the Government had to face five years of fierce opposition? Several consequences could then emerge. First, the risk that public opinion will tire of the slowdown in parliamentary work plagued by prolonged debates while the country's future is singularly obscured.

The second risk, in the long term, will be that during the next national elections, voters, already scarce, will turn more massively to clearer and clearer political choices. Concretely, forget a composite Assembly in favor of a national representation with an absolute majority that would decide without denying the divergent but minority voices.

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Because let us not doubt it, if the mandate that is opening were to prove to be so tense for five years, the situation in the Assembly would become untenable pushing the executive to two solutions. The first would be to take one's pain in patience with the hope that sooner or later the oppositions will run out of steam; the more radical and certainly riskier scenario would be to dissolve the Assembly in the hope of obtaining a new majority or of having to coexist.

In any case, the Government and the President of the Republic are forced into solutions which, from their point of view, alternate between plague and cholera.

True Copy

On the other hand, the strategy of undermining and exhaustion, notably led by the NUPES, with contrasting results to date, but which poisons the Macronian majority, is keen to counterbalance parliamentary work by avoiding total and dogmatic domination by the Renaissance and Horizon deputies.

As for the National Rally, whose presence in the hemicycle questions more than it disturbs as it seems unable to understand the debates or the issues related to the general interest, its opposition strategy enthusiastically defended by the barons of the party boils down to remaining seated and silent, which would almost push to its trivialization and this not without danger.

Now, what to do? If the question does not have an answer for the moment, it seems obvious that the current mandate will not be a true copy of those known in the past. Witness of a form of renewal of democracy by the multiplicity of sensitivities it shelters, the National Assembly is also the expression of the great dereliction that French democracy undergoes, no longer knowing which political option to turn to.

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A sign of decadence? Programmed and irreversible disinterest in politics? Intellectual and cultural emptiness? There are certainly several answers, but all converge on the idea that this mandate will be painful. Initially for its direct actors, then for the citizens exposed to the lack of legibility of an unprecedented Assembly.